Op-ed: Netanyahu is so afraid of losing his partnership with the Haredim that he prefers fighting with millions of US Jews. This isn’t just an insult to Reform and Conservative Jews, it’s a strategic earthquake. More than half of the US Jewry has lost its motivation to work for Israel.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, it seems, isn’t turning a hair over the suspicions, the investigations and the reports against him. On the contrary, they are only strengthening him. Case 1,000, Case 2,000 and Case 3,000 are all allowing him to slip into the role he likes best: The persecuted leader. He isn’t just assuming this role, he actually believes he is being persecuted. And the more the relevant officials—from the police commissioner to the attorney general—procrastinate and linger, the feeling of persecution grows stronger.
But Netanyahu has a weak spot, and it’s much more effective than the law enforcement authorities, investigative reports, investigations, critical articles and protests outside the attorney general’s home. Netanyahu’s weak spot in the public opinion, as revealed again last week, is his weakness vis-à-vis the Haredim—the impression that he paralyzed by fear every time ultra-Orthodox Ministers Yakov Litzman or Aryeh Deri raise an eyebrow.
This can be proved through surveys: His greatest dip in the current term was when he banned railroad work on Shabbat. His clash with the transportation minister ended in a complete failure, and if it hadn’t been stopped on time, the affair would have developed into a social protest against religious coercion.
Netanyahu knows that, which is why it’s so astounding that he didn’t predict the uproar created by two decisions last week: The sudden decision he presented in the cabinet meeting to freeze plans for an egalitarian prayer space at the Western Wall that would make room for all Jewish movements, which was approved by the government in January 2016, and the Ministerial Committee for Legislation’s approval of a law granting the Chief Rabbinate a total monopoly over conversions to Judaism in Israel.
Each of these issues is highly explosive on its own, and all the more so when they come together. The timing of the decisions, on a week in which the Jewish Agency held a series of festive events in Israel and hosted Reform and Conservative leaders, was even more puzzling. It’s unclear how this cautious man, who is familiar with the US Jewry and understands its contribution and importance more than anyone else, fell into this trap.
We must understand that this isn’t just an insult, it’s a strategic earthquake. More than half of the US Jewry lost its motivation to work for us last week. At the moment, they all feel betrayed by the Israeli government. And all because Mr. America misread the map.
The decision to freeze the Western Wall plan was a surprise move by Netanyahu, and the cabinet ministers failed to understand why the issue was raised now. One thing is clear: If Netanyahu had been adamant in dealing with the Haredi parties’ leaders, they would have accepted it. But Netanyahu is so weak vis-à-vis Litzman and Deri, that their boundaries are broken each time.
The Conversion Bill, which was approved by the ministerial committee, was presented by Deri at the party leaders’ forum as if its only purpose is civil—in other words, to prevent a mass conversion of foreign workers. Whoever seeks citizenship and isn’t Jewish, therefore, will have to convert through the Rabbinate. Deri misled the ministers. The law is wider and has far-reaching consequences: It cements the status quo, blocking any future change of the situation, and the implication is that Reform and Conservative Judaism will suffer.
Something doesn’t make sense here, Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman said last week. Why this is the same government that approved the Western Wall plan in 2016. Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit, who can’t be accused of hating Haredim, is the one who presented it as the cabinet secretary at the time. Everyone voted in favor of it, including Bayit Yehudi Ministers Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked. So why was it brought up again now?
Lieberman is not the only one questioning the timing. Political sources believe it’s the result of battles within the Haredi camp, both in the United Torah Judaism party and in Shas. That’s the reason for this sudden outburst of activity. Netanyahu, who is so afraid of losing his partnership with them, is simply playing into their hands. He prefers to fight with millions of Jews in America than with two party leaders in his coalition. The Haredim are making a serious mistake, Lieberman said last week. Doing things this way, forcefully, only creates antagonism.
Lieberman knows what he’s talking about. The Conversion Bill aims to reject private conversions performed by Reform and Conservative rabbis. This means that the converts won’t receive citizenship either. There are 350,000 Jewish immigrants who are not Jewish according to the Halacha, Lieberman says. From 1989, another 100,000 native Israelis have been born here who are not Jewish according to the Halacha. They serve in the army, do reserve service and pay taxes.
I asked Lieberman what he planned to do. We filed an appeal, he said. We won’t let this happen.
But filing an appeal is doing the bare minimum. The ministerial committee will vote on the appeal in its next meeting and remove it. Lieberman could have done more. He could have used the clause in the coalition agreement which gives every party the right to veto issues related to state and religion. And there is something else the defense minister could use: A committee led by Minister Yariv Levin, which has been tasked with reaching agreements on state and religion issues. If Lieberman plans to fight the Conversion Bill, he must demand a meeting of this committee.
As reported by Ynetnews