“The plan obviates the need for Israel to uproot communities, and it does so while avoiding any act that anyone could consider to be apartheid.”
“Without a vision, the People will perish”, wrote King Solomon in the Book of Proverbs, and he was right. And we, thank Heaven, we have a vision as to the settlement enterprise; a vision as well as a clear plan. For years the Left has been leading the political discourse with its plans and proposals for a solution to the conflict while we were just reacting. We were always careful to issue cautionary messages and warnings about the danger of the Left’s plans, but we did not take the trouble to propose our own cohesive plans. We became experts in managing the conflict instead of striving for its true and just solution. We were left behind.
This totally changed in 2012 when Bennett and I placed the Israel Stability Initiative on the table. The main idea of our plan was and remains the full application of Israeli sovereignty in Area C by the State of Israel’ s annexation of these territories. By doing this we would eliminate all differences between Israelis who live in Hevron and those who live in Tel Aviv. The law for Elon Moreh would be as the law for Ra’anana. We also proposed solutions for our neighbors. The small Arab population living in these places would receive full Israeli citizenship after evaluating the possible threat, and would receive a blue identification card. Israel, with its nine million citizens can absorb this, in exchange for a large piece of land, without changing its unique character as a Jewish and democratic state.
The plan obviates the need for Israel to uproot communities, and it does so while avoiding any act that anyone could consider to be apartheid. Our point of departure is that to establish an Arab state in Judea and Samaria is dangerous and irresponsible. The rocket fire from Gaza on Israel would replicate itself, even more actively, from Judea and Samaria. And this time every spot in Israel would be exposed to missile attack. In such a situation, Ben-Gurion International Airport would be left to the mercy of terror organizations. If, Heaven forbid, such a hostile state is established, Jerusalem and Kfar Saba would be called the “Judea and Samaria envelope”. It would be like establishing Iranistan in the heart of the State of Israel. To this, of course, we will not agree.
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Lately, we are again hearing voices that advocate the application of sovereignty over the Jordan Valley. This is happening under the auspices of the campaigns and because of the elections. There are those who argue that these calls are made to earn easy political points. But actually, I am delighted to hear them, whatever the reason. I am guided by the well-known rule: It came to pass although the intend was different. It’s just a shame that we had to waste time on unnecessary elections in order to hear these declarations. They should have been made long ago. The discourse and public pressure for the application of sovereignty must continue, focusing on the resolute struggle in the global political arena, vis-a-vis the Arabs, and by establishing fact on the ground.
Israel will never have a more sympathetic American administration than the present administration of President Donald Trump. It is essential to take advantage of the rare window of time that remains until the elections for president of the United States, to press on with the application of sovereignty over Judea and Samaria – and in the first phase to apply sovereignty over the Jordan Valley, Ma’ale Adumim and Gush Etzion, which are within the public consensus. Secretary of State Pompeo’s declaration provides a special tailwind for the process. The failure to apply sovereignty and the absence of a wise political initiative on our part might become a cause for generations of sorrow.
And it is really that simple. There is no legal impediment to the application of sovereignty in these areas. Not only is there nothing to prevent it, it is also possible to effect by a simple governmental decision, and there is no need for legislation. This step is not an issue for legal debate – but for a courageous political decision. We must face this challenge with open eyes. Just as we fought for the application of sovereignty over the Golan Heights. We must do this because it is the right and just thing to do.
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The people in the communities of Judea and Samaria are exactly those dedicated and pioneering people who regard building the Land as the true national task.
They teach us how to determine the reality on the ground.
And I too learned from them. I learned from Trumpeldor and I learned from the amazing pioneers who settled the land. During my term in the Justice Department, I also dealt with determining (legal) facts on the ground.
I advanced the application of the Market Regulation mechanism in Judea and Samaria, which resulted in the normalization of about 2,000 homes; I established a department dedicated to dealing with equalization of Israeli legislation in Judea and Samaria; we registered more than 850 dunams of land in Kfar Etzion in the Land Registry in the name of the KKL-JNF, in order to protect Israeli sovereignty at the site; we legislated the Jordan Valley Regulations to defend the farmer in the Jordan Valley from the idle Arab claims; we established a director of civil services for providing civil services to the Jewish community in Hevron, etc., etc.
The Yamina party is committed to the process of applying sovereignty and is leading it. It views the process as the direct continuation of Jabotinsky’s and Trumpeldor’s Zionist vision. It is the legal infrastructure for the great imperative: to build. Not tomorrow. Not after the elections. Today.
As reported by The Jerusalem Post